Friedensforschung mit der Maus

Friedensforschung mit der Maus

Sonntag, 6. April 2014

Ruanda: Gedenken an den Völkermord


Völkermord in Ruanda







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Bundestag erinnert an Völkermord in Ruanda
4. April 2014
 
http://www.tagesschau.de/inland/bundestag-gedenken-ruanda100.html

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BBC News | Africa | Rwanda slaughter 'could have been prevented'               
March 31, 1999
The United States, Belgium, France and the UN Security Council all had prior warning about the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and could have prevented it, says a new report published by the US-based Human Rights Watch group, "The Americans were interested in saving money, the Belgians were interested in saving face, and the French were interested in saving their ally, the genocidal government," said Alison Des Forges, a scholar on Rwanda and author of the report.
UN officials are accused of consistently refusing troop requests by the commanding officer of the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda.
Lt Gen Romeo Dallaire of Canada warned of 1994's systematic killing, but support forces were never sent.
Belgium pulled its troops out following the deaths of 10 Belgian peacekeepers on the first day of the genocide. Belgium subsequently supported the US position against increasing the peacekeepers' mandate.
France, a close ally of the Hutu government in Rwanda, has been accused of sending them military support both before and during the genocide.
Entitled "Leave none to tell the story," the 771-page report criticizes the US, Belgium, France and the UN Security Council because they "failed to act effectively". [...]


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Nach mehr als drei Jahren ist vor dem Oberlandesgericht (OLG) Frankfurt am Main ein Prozess um den Völkermord in Ruanda beendet worden. Die Richter verurteilten Onesphore R., der als Bürgermeister einer Gemeinde im Nordosten Ruandas 1994 ein Massaker in einer Kirche befehligt haben soll, zu 14 Jahren Haft.
Der Mann habe seine Anhänger vor 20 Jahren zu den Morden in der Ortschaft Kiziguro aufgestachelt, urteilte das Oberlandesgericht. Er habe sich damit der Beihilfe zum Völkermord schuldig gemacht. Es ist das erste Urteil eines deutschen Gerichts zur Schuld an einem Massaker während des Völkermordes in Ruanda. In Kiziguro waren 1994 mindestens 400 Menschen getötet worden.
Der Angeklagte lebt bereits seit 2002 als Asylbewerber in Deutschland, deshalb durfte der Fall auch vor einem deutschen Gericht verhandelt werden. Hierbei gilt das sogenannte Weltrechtsprinzip, nach dem die Justiz eines Landes in Fällen wie Völkermord tätig werden darf, auch wenn die Taten in einem anderen Land begangen wurden oder der mutmaßliche Täter anderer Nationalität ist. Ausreichend ist, dass sich der Täter in dem betreffenden Land aufhält.  [...]
Im ostafrikanischen Ruanda waren zwischen April und Juli 1994 nach UN-Angaben 800.000 Menschen umgebracht worden. Die meisten der Opfer gehörten der Volksgruppe der Tutsi an.

http://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2014-02/voelkermord-ruanda-gerichtsurteil


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Aus: taz Nr. 6157 vom 2.6.2000 (Seite 10)
Gefunden auf "Friedensratschlag"

Ruanda
UNO-Tribunal verurteilt Kriegshetzer
Verfasser: Dominic Johnson

Der Völkermord in Ruanda 1994, in dessen Verlauf mehr als eine Million Menschen bestialisch ermordet wurden, wird von einem UN-Kriegsverbrechertribunal behandelt. Zur Sprache kam auch die Rolle der Medien in diesem Krieg. Zwei Artikel in der taz befassten sich am 2. Juni 2000 mit einem außerordentlich bedeutsamen Schuldspruch gegen einen Rundfunkjournalisten.
Das Töten mit Worten wird bestraft [...]
Das Ruanda-Tribunal der Vereinten Nationen hat gestern ein historisches Urteil gefällt. Zum ersten Mal wurde ein Journalist wegen Aufwiegelung zum Völkermord und Beteiligung daran verurteilt. Der Italo-Belgier Georges Ruggiu, einst hochrangiger Mitarbeiter des Völkermordradios "Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines" (RTLM), bekam zwölf Jahre Gefängnis [...]
Nach Angaben der Anklage des im tansanischen Arusha tagenden Tribunals ist der Fall Ruggiu ein Präzedenzfall, der hilft, den in der Rechtsgeschichte neuen Tatbestand der "Aufwiegelung zum Völkermord" präziser zu definieren. Bisher hat das Ruanda-Tribunal nur ein einziges Urteil wegen Aufwiegelung gefällt - gegen Jean-Paul Akayesu, während des ruandischen Völkermordes von 1994 Bürgermeister der Gemeinde Taba. Er hatte in Reden zum Massenmord an der Tutsi-Minderheit aufgerufen. Mit dem Urteil gegen Ruggiu, dessen Sender während des Genozides in Ruanda das Hauptmedium für Appelle zur Vernichtung von Tutsi war, werden nun auch Völkermordaufrufe in den Medien justiziabel. Ruggiu soll nun als Zeuge der Anklage auftreten, wenn am 5. Juni in Arusha ein Sammelprozess gegen ruandische Journalisten beginnt: Ferdinand Nahimana, Exdirektor von RTLM und Hassan Ngeze, Exchefredakteur der Hutu-Extremistenzeitung Kangura. Dieses Verfahren wird nach dem Urteil gegen Ruggiu, der ursprünglich zu den Mitangeklagten in diesem Sammelprozess gehören sollte, erstmals direkte Einblicke in die Rolle der Medien bei der Entstehung und Verbreitung von Rassenhass im Afrika der Großen Seen bieten. [...]
Die fortdauernden militärischen Aktivitäten ruandischer und burundischer Hutu-Milizen im Osten des Kongo gegen die dort stationierten ruandischen und burundischen Armeen tragen zum Klima der Intoleranz bei. In Ruanda, das eigentlich seit der ruandischen Besetzung Ostkongos militärisch relativ ruhig ist, kam es, wie erst jetzt bekannt wurde, am 24. Mai zum ersten bestätigten
Angriff von aus dem Kongo eingesickerten Hutu-Milizen in diesem Jahr. Auch in Burundi haben sich in den letzten Wochen die Kämpfe zwischen Hutu-Guerilla und Tutsi-dominierter Armee verstärkt.

http://www.ag-friedensforschung.de/regionen/Ruanda/urteil-journalist.html



Aus einem Interview mit Helmut Strizek, geführt von Cathrin Schütz
Friedensratschlag, 05.08.2011
Dr. Helmut Strizek, Jahrgang 1942, war von 1980 bis 1983 Teil der EU-Delegation in Ruanda. 1987 bis 1989 war er Referent für Ruanda und Burundi im Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung. Er hat auf Antrag der Verteidigung in zahlreichen Verfahren vor dem UN-Tribunal für Ruanda als Experte ausgesagt.
Es heißt, Kagame kam als Vertreter der Opfer an die Macht, nachdem die Hutu 1994 einen brutalen Völkermord an den Tutsi verübt hätten und habe sich der Versöhnung der Volksgruppen verschrieben.
Diese von der damaligen US-Regierung unter Bill Clinton initiierte und in Deutschland mit großer Wirkung vom taz-Redakteur Dominic Johnson propagierte »offizielle Lesart« ist historisch unhaltbar. In Ruanda haben 1994 nach meinen Analysen zwei Völkermorde stattgefunden. Marodierende Hutu-Banden ermordeten Tutsi. Gleichzeitig kam es zu Massenmorden an der Hutu-Bevölkerung durch die aus Uganda vordringenden Rebellen der Ruandischen Patriotischen Front (RPF), die von Exiltutsi dominiert und von Kagame geführt wurde und heute den Staat bestimmt. 
Haben nicht ranghohe Hutu-Extremisten den ruandischen Präsidenten wegen dessen Verhandlungsabsichten mit der RPF ermordet und ihren Plan der Ausrottung der Tutsi in die Tat umgesetzt?
Der Genozid an den Tutsi war eine fürchterliche Racheaktion entwurzelter Hutu, die bei den verschiedenen Angriffswellen der RPF seit 1990 aus dem Norden Ruandas vertrieben worden waren und seither unter schlimmen Bedingungen in inländischen Flüchtlingslagern vegetierten. Von dort wurden sie beim erneuten Angriff der RPF nach dem Attentat auf den Präsidenten Juvenal Habyarimana am 6. April 1994 wieder vertrieben. Teile von ihnen zogen dann im dadurch ausgelösten Machtvakuum mordend und brandschatzend durchs Land. […]
Es gibt viele Anhaltspunkte für eine Verantwortung von Kagames RPF für das den Völkermord auslösende Attentat. […]
Das OLG schloß Sie ungeachtet Ihrer Expertise als Gutachter im Prozeß gegen R. aus. […]
Dennoch scheint der vorsitzende Richter Sie ernst zu nehmen. Zeugen aus Ruanda fragt er immer, ob sie vor ihrer Anreise von ruandischen Behörden unter Druck gesetzt worden seien. Daß dies bisher stets verneint wurde, vermag angesichts möglicher Konsequenzen bei der Rückkehr nach Ruanda nicht verwundern. Ein unlösbares Dilemma?
[…] Es ist unmöglich, die Ereignisse in Ostruanda im April 1994 objektiv zu untersuchen. ICTR-Zeugen wurden manipuliert und bekamen für vorbereitete falsche Belastungsaussagen von der Kagame-Diktatur Vergünstigungen. 
Auch die Verteidigung von R. betont das Glaubwürdigkeitsproblem der Zeugen. Tatsächlich haben gegen R. bereits Zeugen ausgesagt, die zur Zeit der Befragung durch das deutsche BKA in Ruanda in Haft waren und kurz danach freikamen. Diskrepanzen zwischen den Angaben gegenüber dem BKA in Ruanda und im Gerichtssaal sind ebenfalls alltäglich. […] 
Die Anklage betont, R. habe in den Tagen der ihm vorgeworfenen Massaker stets gemeinsam mit einem gewissen Jean Baptist Gatete, ebenfalls Bürgermeister, agiert. Auch Belastungszeugen behaupten dies, andere widersprechen. Gatete selbst wurde kürzlich vor dem ICTR verurteilt. Wirft das einen Schatten auf die Verteidigung von R.?
Wenn R. in der fraglichen Zeit so eng mit Gatete, der damals kein Bürgermeister mehr war, kooperierte, wie es die Anklage behauptet, warum ist der Name von R. im Gatete-Prozeß, in dem es auch um Mittäter ging, dann nicht einmal erwähnt worden?
Auch das Gatete-Urteil schließt die Augen vor den Erkenntnissen der spanischen und französischen Ermittlungsrichter, wonach Kagames RPF hinter dem den Völkermord auslösenden Attentat steht. Auch die sofort danach beginnende RPF-Aggression und das Chaos, das unmittelbar danach im Volk ausbrach, werden ausgeblendet. […].

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Die Machete in einer Hand und das Radio in der anderen
Genocide journalist Georges Ruggiu, Echoes of Violence      
Rwanda News Agency
29 May 2009 by Darryl Li                                

Seven years after the fact, the most enduring—and perhaps haunting—image of the Rwandan genocide is that of the nameless Hutu peasant standing over a pit of putrid corpses, a machete in one hand and a radio in the other. The manner of his gaze is unclear, but there is no mistaking the tinny voice blaring from the tiny receiver as anything other than the infamous Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), the station whose broadcasts were a background score to the killings.
The semi-private “hate radio” station, linked to an elite circle of Hutu hard-liners, was allegedly the brainchild of Ferdinand Nahimana, a Sorbonne-trained historian currently on trial before a UN-run court in Tanzania for incitement to genocide. During its brief existence as the first licensed private broadcaster in the country, RTLM quickly surpassed the stilted, government-run Radio Rwanda in popularity with a combination of virulence, humor, and style. “They talked off the cuff about a subject they mastered: hatred,” a former press liaison with the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) told me.
For the notorious state-sponsored Interahamwe militia who were the shock troops of the genocide, RTLM’s broadcasts were orders, its denunciations death warrants. In one well-known incident, an RTLM reporter covering an attempt by UN peacekeepers to rescue a group of refugees from the Hôtel Mille Collines in Kigali relayed the names of all sixty-two evacuees on the air, including several prominent opponents of the regime. Soon thereafter, a group of Interahamwe stopped the UN convoy and singled out several of those named on the radio for abuse; only intense diplomatic pressure saved them from being massacred. Tutsi civilians sheltered in a mosque in Kigali’s Nyamirambo neighborhood in the first weeks of the genocide were not so lucky; after a cue from RTLM, militia and soldiers butchered some six hundred people inside, while the station gleefully reported the results.

In the summer of 2000, six years after it was knocked off the air in the wake of the collapse of the genocidal regime, reminders of RTLM could be found everywhere. The Kigali hostel in which I slept was owned by a nearby church, whose priest, Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, allegedly carried a radio tuned to RTLM during the genocide while singling out Tutsi members of his flock for elimination (Munyeshyaka later fled to France). Walking through the crowded streets, I often passed stalls where one could still buy cassettes featuring the extremist songs of Simon Bikindi (arrested by Dutch authorities this summer and sent to the UN tribunal), a staple of the RTLM diet. And in the city’s central prison, I found many alleged génocidaires, most of them ordinary farmers, such as Frodouald Ndoliyobijya, who recalled RTLM’s antics with a mischievous giggle one minute and in the next humbly told of how he murdered a Tutsi whom his father had tried to save.

RTLM’s lingering omnipresence had to do with the fact that the Interahamwe were only a small part of a nationwide audience that tuned in for news, entertainment, and the latest instructions. The station spread hateful propaganda about the country’s Tutsi minority, guided people to where the “enemy” hid, and goaded ordinary people into joining the killings—the most famous of its entreaties being the uncharacteristically blatant “The graves are only half full! Who will help us to fill them?” For many reasons besides radio, hundreds of thousands of people heeded these calls by manning roadblocks, joining search patrols, looting, and steadily killing in their own locales.

“It’s a lie if a farmer says he didn’t like RTLM,” said Bernard Rutaremara, who awaits trial in Kigali’s central prison for participating in the killings.

Although three months of conversations with detainees, survivors, and others made it clear that Rwandans actively debated and critiqued what they heard on competing radio stations—including Radio Rwanda and the RPF-controlled Radio Muhabura—RTLM somehow captured the national imagination. Through radio, the genocide unfolded in thousands of locales, turning ordinary Rwandans into witnesses to the killings and bringing them into the massacres in ways at once both terrifying and mundane. As Mwamini Nyrandegeya, a woman of mixed ethnicity who survived the genocide as a servant to the militiaman who raped her, put it, “RTLM animait dans l’ambiance du moment.” One also could say that the station’s animateurs* helped to shape that ambience as well.

Making Sense of it All
The first time I saw Valérie Bemeriki, the infamous RTLM animatrice, was through the window of a reception area in Kigali’s central prison. […]
 
Bemeriki acquired a reputation during the genocide for her impassioned, almost frenzied, announcing style. During our interviews, she dismissed RTLM transcripts as forgeries and swept aside uncomfortable questions, instead launching into long, rambling monologues about how massacres of unarmed Tutsi civilians were in fact battles between government troops and rebels. […]

Despite the outrageousness of some of her claims, Bemeriki had a point. To the outsider’s eye, RTLM’s transcripts reveal few explicit instructions to murder. In the ideological universe of RTLM, one never spoke of killing, but only of “work” or “clearing the brush” (courtesy of “tools,” rather than machetes or clubs, of course). The word “Tutsi” itself was used far less often than inyenzi (cockroaches) or inkotanyi (the self-given nickname of RPF fighters). This indirectness, which left nothing unsaid, is apparent even in the title of the Simon Bikindi hit “You Know What I’m Saying.”
For these euphemisms to take on such meanings—to make roadblock duty, search patrols, and killing acceptable activities for people to take part in—RTLM appropriated three ideas that had shaped modern Rwanda’s understanding of itself: History, Democracy, and Development. The narrative of History provided a raison d’être for the postcolonial regime through comparisons with the merciless exploitation of Hutu farmers by Tutsi collaborators during the era of Belgian rule. Democracy, meaning little more than the crude arithmetic of ethnic majoritarianism, scapegoated Tutsi to mask the dominance of a narrow clique of northern Hutu under a shared bond of ethnicity. And the elusive goal of Development, promising a vague future of prosperity, justified umuganda, a weekly ritual of communal labor forced on nearly every peasant in the country.

For decades before the genocide, these ideas were the foundation of an authoritarian, single-party state that micromanaged the population and in which Tutsi were marginalized but almost never attacked.

The genocide turned these concepts upside down, weaving a coherent ideological tapestry that made euphemisms such as “work” into powerful metaphors for making sense of one’s actions, no matter how terrible the implications of those actions may have been. RTLM invoked History, Democracy, and Development to mobilize people rather than to render them docile, using these familiar ideas to mask unthinkable ends.

RTLM regularly compared the genocide to the 1959 revolution that overthrew Tutsi hegemony, collapsing past into present to raise the terrifying specter of a return to the ancien régime. In what was an almost constant refrain, Kantano Habimana, RTLM’s star animateur, warned listeners: “Masses, be vigilant. . . . What you fought for in ’59 is being taken away.” […]

When speaking of democracy to justify the killings, the station urged Hutu to put aside differences and close ranks against the common Tutsi threat. RTLM made a fetish of the language of majorities and minorities, styling itself as the voice of the rubanda nyamwinshi (“numerous people”). The station argued that the numerical superiority of the Hutu meant both that their cause was just and their victory inevitable. By extension, only the Tutsi could be blamed for their fate—“Will those people truly continue to commit suicide against the majority?” Habimana once asked with rhetorical incredulity.

In its announcements, advice, and encouragements, RTLM cast participation in the genocide in the mold of umuganda, likening extermination to controlling soil erosion or preventing forest fires, efforts in which everyone had to pitch in.

“Hello, good day, have you started to work yet?” RTLM asked its listeners every morning. Indeed, many of the tasks of the genocide eerily resembled umuganda, with farmers turning up for their shifts under the same supervisors with the same tools (mostly machetes and hoes), as if it were just another day of clearing fields or planting trees.

Yet the code of the genocide, like all totalitarian languages, sometimes could not be sustained. One Rwandan told interviewers that RTLM “called for all the Tutsi to be exterminated. Bemeriki would say, for example, ‘Kill! Kill! Go to Nyamirambo! I have just been there, and there aren’t any bodies in the streets yet. It’s still tidy. You have to start cleaning!” On the other hand, as news spread that France was sending troops to Rwanda to bring humanitarian aid and cover the withdrawal of the collapsing genocidal regime, Bemeriki told Hutu to welcome the troops warmly. After months of mixing anti-Tutsi invective with superficial assurances that not all Tutsi were bad, it was only sensible for her to make it absolutely clear that these white men were different from the hated Belgians. “If you are told to do something, you are not told to do the opposite,” Bemeriki insisted. “If we are saying that we should welcome the French, that does not mean that we should throw stones at them.”

The Genocide, Live
A few months before the genocide, Claver Kizungu, a Tutsi farmer living east of Kigali, happened upon a spectacle in the local market. The editor-in-chief of RTLM, Gaspard Gahigi, had arrived with a mobile studio and was broadcasting live in front of a crowd of several hundred locals. “He said that the Tutsi were bad and that they killed many people when they were in power, and that you had to know they are the enemy and get them,” Kizungu recalled. During the monologue, a neighbor—Vedaste Nteziryayo—looked over in Kizungu’s direction and menaced him with a slashing motion across the throat. The same Vedaste Nteziryayo went on to kill many people during the genocide, although another of his Tutsi neighbors insisted that he was a good man who had saved lives as well.

Whether in person or on the air, RTLM’s animateurs helped listeners experience the genocide as a series of small performances upon which the edifice of larger ideologies could be built. They adroitly navigated and manipulated the hierarchies and bonds within audiences, turning the very act of listening into a form of participation in the genocide.

Sometimes, RTLM played with its listeners as much as it played to them, using mistrust and fear to build unity. During one interview at a roadblock, a man boasted of having helped to kill five inyenzi. Habimana encouraged him to “keep it up” and then advised listeners, “When testing if people like a radio station, you must ask the following question: who are the animateurs of the radio whom you know? Who are the RTLM animateurs you know?. . . If you do not know them that means that you do not like this radio.” The pressure to listen-–and to be seen listening—to the station was immense. “Some people were against RTLM, but didn’t have the strength to say so in public,” recalled Jamad Nkundintware, a Hutu mason. […]”
Although few of the station’s listeners had access to a telephone, RTLM found ways of actively involving audiences. Animateurs relayed personal messages from listeners, while soldiers and militia spontaneously brought suspected RPF collaborators to the station’s studios to be interrogated on the air. Similarly, RTLM’s announcements provided practical advice that went into planning day-to-day activities. One Hutu farmer I spoke to recalled several of his neighbors proclaiming, “Kantano [Habimana] said there are no RPF troops here, so we can continue our work.”

In a sense, ordinary Rwandans, too, performed RTLM’s broadcasts. Almost every personal message, public service announcement, and piece of gossip transmitted found its way by word of mouth beyond those who actually heard them, making each radio a potential spawning ground for new performances. According to one of his former neighbors, a murderer of some notoriety named Hakiri used to spend mornings sitting on the corrugated metal roof of his shop outside Kigali with a radio to his ear, listening to RTLM. His mood darkened during the broadcasts, and he would climb down and gather people to tell them what he had heard of the latest Tutsi atrocities. Across the country, thousands of listeners were relaying, embellishing, and even misrepresenting RTLM’s broadcasts. In We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families, Philip Gourevitch writes of a prominent Hutu extremist who, taking pity on some Tutsi children at a roadblock, admonishes the militiaman harassing them, “Don’t you listen to the radio? The French said if we don’t stop killing children they’ll stop arming and helping us.” […]

Household Names
More so than Radio Rwanda or the RPF’s Radio Muhabura, RTLM’s animateurs developed personas in which listeners invested authority and trust. Kantano Habimana captivated audiences with his electrifying announcing style, narrating the results of massacres as if they were victories on the football pitch (he is rumored to have died in a refugee camp in Congo after the genocide). The raucous, hard-drinking Noël (Noheli) Hitimana was much beloved from his years at Radio Rwanda. RTLM even had its token white man, a Belgian named Georges Ruggiu. […]
Samson Karungura, who killed ten people during the genocide, remembered speculating that Ruggiu’s being on RTLM meant either that he couldn’t find a job in his own country or that the station had the strength of foreign support. “Moderates said if there is a white man working [for RTLM], they would be able to destroy any opposition,” recalled Protegène Shyaka, a Tutsi shopkeeper.

Some of Ruggiu’s monologues seemed to do little other than leverage his Europeanness for credibility. During one evening program broadcast several weeks before the genocide, Ruggiu read passages from Machiavelli’s The Prince on the air, expounding on the necessity of disingenuousness in politics, while classical European music droned on in the background. “Here then is Nicholas [sic] Machiavelli, who speaks through my voice,” Ruggiu announced, as if taking on the role of a spirit medium. Centuries of “civilization” hung in the air like overripe fruit, dangling just out of the reach of the Rwandans listening in rural hilltop homes. […]

[O]nly a fraction of the population knew enough French to fully understand him. […] According to several people I interviewed, educated French speakers, themselves often local organizers of the genocide, regularly translated and explained Ruggiu’s broadcasts for others. The result was a sort of mutual reinforcement, enhancing the credibility of these elites while at the same time extending the reach and authority of Ruggiu’s words.

Ironically, the only people who seemed curiously unaware of the significance of Ruggiu’s whiteness were those whose duty it was to exact justice upon him. The UN judges who sentenced Ruggiu to twelve years in prison cited his European background and consequent unfamiliarity with Rwanda as mitigating factors in determining his punishment, but never mentioned that his being European was key to his involvement with RTLM in the first place.

Noheli Sends His Best

[…] James Nshogozabahizi, a Hutu farmer, described daily life during the genocide on the hill where he lived, east of Kigali. The “work” of manning roadblocks or searching houses began in the morning, when some locals would report to the authorities. It would continue until 5 p.m. or so, and then people would gather in the local bar to drink, chat, and listen to RTLM before retiring to bed and waking up the next morning. Several dozen kilometers away I met Tito Rutaremara, a Tutsi, who recalled that during breaks in the work day, locals would gather in groups as large as a hundred to listen to RTLM, closely following the information relayed to plan the next day’s activities. I asked if this happened every day. “Of course,” he replied. “It was work. It was to know what to do.”
Much of the killing in Rwanda in 1994 was marked not by the fury of combat or paroxysms of mob violence, but by a well-ordered sanity that mirrored the rhythms of ordinary collective life. After all, what is striking about the genocide is not simply that the priest, the schoolteacher, and the radio animateur spoke with one voice of the necessity to “work,” but rather that they did so during the weekly sermon, the daily lesson, and the hourly bulletin.

Radio’s subtle presence was a key entry point of the state into the lives of its citizens. For the people I spoke to who owned radios, listening was often the first thing they did in the morning and the last thing they did at night. For others, catching the latest news was often a major reason for visiting neighbors or swinging by the local bar. In a country with few newspapers or televisions, the medium’s portability and many uses enable it to cross boundaries of public and private life and to punctuate daily schedules. Of RTLM’s animateurs, none had a more intuitive grasp of this than Noheli Hitimana.

After a decade on the air at Radio Rwanda, Hitimana was a part of the lives of millions of Rwandans. During the early morning shift, widely listened to by farmers rising to tend their fields, he was known for calling out to the farthest mountains in the country, issuing greetings to various regions, and saluting individuals with whom he had shared a drink the night before. “He showed that Radio Rwanda was interested in its listeners,” explained confessed génocidaire Elie Ndabamenye, adding that a greeting from Hitimana was something like a small honor, a moment of celebrity and recognition for hard work.

Hitimana carried on in a similar vein at RTLM. His monologues featured litanies of places where local residents were warned to remain vigilant or urged to hunt down inyenzi. Similarly, Hitimana converted his habit of saluting individuals into a means of denouncing them. According to a report by the press freedom NGO Article 19, one of those threatened was opposition journalist Joseph Mudatsikira. “Let me say Hello, child of my mother,” Hitimana said, adopting a tone of playful familiarity. “Let me salute you, as you are the same as Noheli [that is, also a journalist]. . . . If you die just as everyone else has been speaking about you, it is not like dying like a sheep, without having been spoken of. When we have spoken about you, you have effectively been spoken of.” Mudatsikira was killed several days later. Hitimana’s broadcasts on RTLM exploited a decade’s worth of familiarity in order to insinuate the genocide into everyday life, to make its presence felt even in small homes in rural areas at dawn—including the many in which Tutsi were being hidden. For the Hutu who risked their lives to shelter others, however, the intimacy of Hitimana’s broadcasts made them more than death threats. It made them betrayals, signals to listeners that underneath all that defined their world, even routines followed in the privacy of the home, lay the possibility of treachery, of being attacked by a Tutsi neighbor or accused of treason by a Hutu friend. Providing an example of what to emulate and a warning of what to avoid, Hitimana showed that it was better to denounce than to be denounced and that even personal ties could be subordinated to the imperatives of the genocide.

A Harmony of the Spheres

[…] Another time, an acquaintance of mine told me that after the genocide, he ran into the man who had killed his parents, a family friend named Emmanuel, and did not know what to do. Or rather, he wanted to do so many things at the same time that he did nothing. “If you need anything, any help, just let me know,” Emmanuel told him sincerely. Richard nodded and went about his life.
Like the killings, RTLM, too, was omnipresent, routinized, and intimate. By articulating a language of massacre, bringing listeners together as witnesses and performers, and infiltrating everyday routines, it may even have been the key thing that helped transform the genocide from a state-led campaign into a nationwide project. Without it, there might have been, during the late evenings in bars after a shift at the roadblock, or in the midst of a nighttime walk home past a banana grove, machete in hand, at least some stillness, a bit of silence, a moment to think alone.


This article was published in 2002, adapted from a longer study on the role of radio in the Rwandan genocide for Foundation for the Study of Independent Social Ideas, Inc. Author Darryl Li was working for the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, in the Gaza strip. 

http://www.rnanews.com/politics/1359-genocide-journalist-georges-ruggiu-echoes-of-violence


  • Hiding in plain sight in France: The priests accused in Rwandan genocide
    The Guardian  07 April 2014
    in Gisors, Normandy

    [...] In 2005, the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), then in the process of convicting many of the political and military leaders who oversaw the genocide, issued charges against Father Wenceslas. The indictment was a catalogue of horror. The priest, it said, conspired with leaders of the extremist Hutu militia spearheading the killing of Tutsis. It alleges that he helped draw up lists of men to die, stood by as Tutsis were taken away and killed, allowed the militia to roam his church hunting for victims, and that he raped young women. [...]
    The drive to bring Father Wenceslas to trial for his alleged crimes has dragged from Rwanda to French judges to the international tribunal and back to the Paris courts. The priest has been arrested and released several times. The survivors are despairing of ever seeing justice for what they endured two decades ago.
    But for the Roman Catholic church there is more at stake than the future of a single cleric. Father Wenceslas is just one member of the clergy at the heart of a struggle over where to pin moral responsibility for the genocide.
    The Vatican paints the church as a victim not only of the mass killings – because priests and nuns were among the those slaughtered – but of persecution by Rwanda's present government, which has jailed members of the clergy and accused the church leadership of having blood on its hands.
    Two hundred or more priests and nuns, Tutsi and Hutu, were murdered during the genocide. Some died courageously attempting to save lives or refusing to abandon their parishioners. But there were other priests who murdered. [...]
    http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/07/rwanda-genocide-20-years-priests-catholic-church
 
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Interessantes zu "Genocide Alert e. V."
von Heise online

Geht es eher um die Propagierung von Militaereinsetzen als um einen umfassenden Ansatz gegen Voelkermord?

Als Referent [...] wurde von den Piraten Dr. Robert Schütte eingeladen, hauptberuflich Politikberater in der eigenen Lobbyfirma First Avenue Germany, sowie Vorsitzender des Vereins Genocide Alert e.V.. In dieser Funktion ist Schütte bekannt für markige Töne. "Der Bürgerkrieg in Syrien wird nur dann diplomatisch zu lösen sein, wenn ein militärisches Eingreifen nicht länger tabuisiert wird. Der Westen sollte vor dieser unangenehmen Wahrheit nicht die Augen verschließen", schrieb er etwa Ende letzten Jahres. Auch zum Thema Libyen wurde Schütte deutlich: "Das Eingreifen der NATO anhand eines UN-Mandats war das richtige Signal. Die Staatengemeinschaft hat gerade noch rechtzeitig ein libysches Srebrenica verhindern können. Die Schutzverantwortung ist der manifestierte Wille zum Schutz der Menschenrechte - eine Schande, dass Deutschland dabei nur zuguckt." [...]
Selten reflektiert wird zudem der Zusammenhang, in dem solche Aufforderungen zum "Eingreifen" veröffentlicht werden. Dr. Robert Schütte etwa publiziert seine oben zitierten Texte regelmäßig im Magazin "The European", das von Alexander Görlach, einem politisch auffällig gut vernetzten Journalisten, geleitet wird. Görlach ist Mitglied der transatlantischen Lobby-Gruppe "Atlantik-Brücke", war stellvertretender Pressesprecher der CDU/CSU-Bundestagsfraktion, außerdem PR-Berater von BMW, und ist nebenher als Kolumnist bei bild.de tätig. Über Netzwerke wie diese wird der Ruf nach mehr "außenpolitischer Verantwortung" Deutschlands regelmäßig mit großer Verve publiziert.
 
http://www.heise.de/tp/artikel/39/39452/2.html




Toedlicher Hass aus dem Radio:
Unter „R.T.L.M. Transcripts“ sind Mitschriften von Sendungen des „Radio-Television Libre des Milles Collines“ (R.T.L.M.) zu finden; teils mit englischer Uebersetzung.
„Westliche Regierungen“, so ist in der Einleitung zu lesen, waren ueber die Hasssendungen besorgt, unternahmen aber nichts. Ruecksicht auf das freie Unternehmertum (R.T.L.M. war ein Privatsender, wenn auch nicht ganz ohne staatliche Zuschuesse), und die Idee der „Redefreiheit“ spielten eine Rolle.
Dieses Nicht-Handeln - aufgrund einer in der Rueckschau unumstritten fehlgeleiteten Interpretation von „Freiheit“ - wird bis heute viel weniger thematisiert als das Nicht-Handeln im militaerischen Bereich (was auch an dem ZEIT-Beitrag von Sarah Brockmeyer abzulesen ist; s.o.). - Anm. Blogger

Aus der Einleitung (Name des Verfassers nicht angegeben):
R.T.L.M., standing for Radio-Télévision Libre des Milles Collines or Free Radio and Television of the Thousand Hills, was probably the most successful hate radio station in the history of the world. It was a privately owned station (though it did receive funding from the state-run Radio Rwanda) and broadcast from 8 July 1993 to 31 July 1994. It was staffed exclusively by Hutus and made no secret of its extreme bias against the Tutsi minority. Not only did it broadcast anti-Tutsi propaganda, it explicitly directed that they be exterminated, encouraged those who were doing the extermination and even read out known locations of Tutsis with orders to kill them. […]
The concept and the threat of R.T.L.M. were not unknown to Western governments, who on more than one occasion considered jamming the transmissions. This never happened due to concerns about money and, more often, worries that jamming a privately-owned radio station was a denial of free speech. In retrospect, there is little debate that a serious mistake was made in not acting.
After the genocide, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda found four individuals related to R.T.L.M. guilty of genocide, complicity in genocide, crimes against humanity and incitement to genocide, among other things. Georges Ruggiu, one of the station’s principle broadcasters, was sentenced to twelve years in prison. Hassan Ngeze, a major shareholder editor of R.T.L.M.’s magazine equivalent, Kangura, was given a life sentence. So were the two directors of the station, Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza (though the latter’s sentence was reduced to 35 years due to rights violations in bringing him to trial). […]
However, these transcriptions are not readily available. The tapes themselves were destroyed in a fire in Arusha, Tanzania, in 2004. The transcripts are available through the I.C.T.R.’s “webdrawer,” an incredibly complex, confusing and slow website prone to power shortages at nature’s discretion, though still a fantastic resource. […]My goal is, in short, to take every tape in the I.C.T.R. database and convert it to a more accessible text form. I would then like to proofread them and post them on the site alongside the original PDF file from the database. However, there are some complications. First off, most of the transcripts are in Kinyarwanda and were not translated. Many of those that were translated were translated into French, and of those only some were converted to English. All original PDF transcripts will be included, but as I speak neither French nor Kinyarwanda, only those which have been translated into English will be published as text. […]



Schutzverantwortung/ Responsibility to Protect:

Sind Genodice Alert e.V. und International Committee for the Responsibility to Protect (ICRtoP) Stimmen fuer eine vor allem militaerisch ausgerichtete Interpretation von "Deutschlands Verantwortung in der Welt"?
Welche Rolle spielt ihre Lobby-Arbeit in der deutschen Politik?
 
Siehe z.B. eine von Genocide Alert e.V. organisierte Panel-Diskussion
http://responsibilitytoprotect.org/Invitation%20Panel%20Discussion%20Germany%20and%20R2P%2010%20May%202012.pdf

Und weiter:

"Gesetze und Regulierungen setzen den Rahmen wirtschaftlichen Handelns und können über den langfristigen Erfolg Ihres Geschäfts entscheiden. Wir vertreten Ihre Interessen gegenüber der deutschen und europäischen Politik, informieren Entscheidungsträger und schaffen Verständnis für die Wünsche und Sorgen unserer Klienten. Vertreter in Bundestag und Regierung wissen qualifizierten Input zu schätzen und berücksichtigen diesen in Ihren Entscheidungen. Verschaffen Sie Ihrer Stimme Gehör mit den First Avenue Germanys flexiblen Instrumenten der politisch-wirtschaftlichen Interessenvertretung!"
- Von der Webseite der Firma "First Avenue Germany" des Dr. Robert Schütte, der gleichzeitig Vorsitzender des Vereins "Genocide Alert e.V." ist.

http://www.firstavenuegermany.de/

Zum Angebot der Firma gehoeren u.a. "politische Interessenvertretung", "Krisenkommunikation" und "Web Reputationsmonitoring". Zahlungskraeftige Kunden koennen also mit Hilfe dieser Firma politische Prozesse beeinflussen und ihr Image in der Oeffentlichkeit schoenen.
Es besteht durchaus Anlass, im Auge zu behalten, ob es sich hier um eine "Frontgruppe" handelt, hinter deren humanitaerem Engagement andere, nicht offen gelegte Interessen stehen - auch wenn sie sich auf einen sehr wichtigen Grundsatz der Vereinten Nationen beruft (s.u., Schutzverantwortung).

Erfahrungsberichte von Kunden zu FIRST AVENUE CONSULTING LIMITED
Hier sind noch keine Daten vorhanden...
http://www.brandigg.de/unternehmen/FIRST-AVENUE-CONSULTING-LIMITED
Schade ...


Von der Webseite der Vereinten Nationen zum Thema
Schutzerantwortung/ „Responsibility to Protect“
Background Information on the Responsibility to ProtectFrom humanitarian intervention to the responsibility to protect (2001)

The expression "responsibility to protect" was first presented in the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), set up by the Canadian Government in December 2001. The Commission had been formed in response to Kofi Annan's question of when the international community must intervene for humanitarian purposes. Its report, "The Responsibility to Protect," found that sovereignty not only gave a State the right to "control" its affairs, it also conferred on the State primary "responsibility" for protecting the people within its borders. It proposed that when a State fails to protect its people — either through lack of ability or a lack of willingness — the responsibility shifts to the broader international community.
Report of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (2004)
In 2004, the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, set up by Secretary-General Kofi Annan, endorsed the emerging norm of a responsibility to protect — often called "R2P" — stating that there is a collective international responsibility, "exercisable by the Security Council authorizing military intervention as a last resort, in the event of genocide and other large-scale killing, ethnic cleansing and serious violations of humanitarian law which sovereign governments have proved powerless or unwilling to prevent." The panel proposed basic criteria that would legitimize the authorization of the use of force by the UN Security Council, including the seriousness of the threat, the fact that it must be a last resort, and the proportionality of the response.
Report of the Secretary-General: In larger freedom (2005)
In his report "In larger freedom," Secretary-General Kofi Annan "strongly agreed" with the approach outlined by the High-level Panel and suggested that a list of proposed criteria — including seriousness of the threat, proportionality and chance of success — be applied for the authorization of the use of force in general.
United Nations World Summit (2005)
In September 2005, at the United Nations World Summit, all Member States formally accepted the responsibility of each State to protect its population from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. At the Summit, world leaders also agreed that when any State fails to meet that responsibility, all States (the "international community") are responsible for helping to protect people threatened with such crimes. Should peaceful means — including diplomatic, humanitarian and others — be inadequate and national authorities "manifestly fail" to protect their populations, the international community should act collectively in a "timely and decisive manner" — through the UN Security Council and in accordance with the UN Charter — on a case-by-case basis and in cooperation with regional organizations as appropriate.
http://www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/rwanda/about/bgresponsibility.shtml


Siehe auch
http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schutzverantwortung


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Ruanda, eine vermeidbare Tragoedie

Rwanda, une tragédie évitable                    
http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x13b08_rwanda-une-tragedie-evitable_news

Ein sehr informativer und eindrucksvoller, teilweise schwer zu ertragender Film von Patrick de Lamalle und Isabelle Christiaens (in franzoesischer Sprache), der auch auf geschichtliche Hintergruende eingeht.
Gezeigt werden auch historische Aufnahmen von Schaedelvermessungen, mit denen konstruierte fundamentale Unterschiede zwischen Tutsi und Hutu pseudowissenschaftlich (eugenisch) begruendet wurden.

Schaedelvermessung, ein Ritual der Eugenik:
Siehe auch auf dem Blog "Menschenrechte statt Eugenik", z.B.
http://guttmensch.blogspot.com/2011/03/francis-galton-seine-forschung-in.html
http://guttmensch.blogspot.com/2014/01/prost-neujahr.html



Historisch: Kraniometrie im belgischen Ruanda
Bild gefunden auf
http://www.lasalle.edu/~mcinneshin/303/
wk14/images/week14_measuring%20a%20hamite.jpg

 

18 Kommentare:

  1. IDRC Bulletin
    THE MEDIA AND THE RWANDA GENOCIDE
    Allan Thompson
    Pluto Press, Fountain Publishers, IDRC / 2007-01-01

    "The book examines how local radio and print media were used as a tool of hate, encouraging neighbours to turn against each other. It also presents a critique of international media coverage of the cataclysmic events in Rwanda. Bringing together local reporters and commentators from Rwanda, high-profile Western journalists, and leading media theorists, this is the only book to identify and probe the extent of the media’s accountability. It also examines deliberations by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda on the role of the media in the genocide.
    This book is a startling record of the dangerous influence that the media can have when used as a political tool or when news organizations and journalists fail to live up to their responsibilities. The authors put forward suggestions for the future by outlining how we can avoid censorship and propaganda, and by arguing for a new responsibility in media reporting. The book includes an opening statement from Kofi Annan and an introduction by Senator Roméo Dallaire."

    http://www.idrc.ca/EN/Resources/Publications/Pages/IDRCBookDetails.aspx?PublicationID=131

    AntwortenLöschen
  2. Georges Ruggiu, the “Euro Genocidaire’s” final lap to freedom

    The New Times
    Rwanda
    BY KENNEDY NDAHIRO
    February 20, 2008

    "The only non-Rwandan to be convicted for the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, will soon be on his way to a more “comfortable” jail in Europe, and possible release.
    50-year old Georges Ruggiu, a Belgian national of Italian descent, was a journalist at the infamous Radio Television de Mille Collines (RTLM), an extremist radio station which incited the population to take part in the Genocide.[..]
    He was one of a large group of people who were indicted by the International
    Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and arrested in Kenya in July 1997 under
    what was dubbed the NAKI (Nairobi-Kigali) operation. [...]
    Only business tycoon Felicien Kabuga escaped the dragnet. His deep pockets and
    connections within the highest echelons of power had paid their dividends.
    At first Georges Ruggiu denied any involvement in the Genocide despite overwhelming recorded evidence of his incendiary broadcasts, but three years in
    the coolers of the Arusha detention facilities were enough to break his will.
    But Ruggiu had an ace up his sleeve. He was smart enough to enter a plea bargain with the Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, which many observers say was heavily tipped in favour of the Italio-Belgian.
    The modern-day Goebbels knew how to prey on the western sensitivities that ruled
    the international tribunal. He gave a convincing performance that was punctuated
    with tears of remorse. [...]
    Yes, he said, he was guilty as charged. His broadcasts were deliberately aimed
    at inciting the population hunt and kill Tutsis, but he was willing to strike a
    deal. The main thrust of the agreement was that he would choose the country where he would serve out his sentence, the only Genocide convict to be accorded such a favour.
    The prospect of languishing in the scorching heat of a prison in Mali where six
    other “local” convicted persons were about to be transferred did not appeal to
    him. He chose Italy.
    On May 15, 2000, he pleaded guilty to two counts; direct and public incitement
    to commit genocide and Crimes against Humanity (Persecution). He was
    subsequently sentenced to 12 years in prison.
    In handing down what at that time was deemed a very lenient sentence, the tribunal based its decision on Ruggiu’s supposed act of contrition.
    “The Belgian’s acknowledgement of his mistakes and crimes is a healthy
    application of reason and sentiment,” read the judgment in part.
    What the tribunal failed or overlooked for some obscure reasons was that prior
    to Ruggiu’s coming on board RTLM, he had been involved in a circle of extremist
    Rwandans in Belgium.[..]
    Since Georges Ruggiu alias Omar has been in detention since 1997, he has
    slightly over a year to serve his full sentence, that is if he is not paroled by
    the Italian authorities since he has served three-quarters of his sentence.
    It is difficult not to imagine that the “Muzungu Genocidaire” got the upper hand
    after all."

    Contact:
    ndahiro@gmail.com
    kndahiro@yahoo.com

    AntwortenLöschen
    Antworten
    1. Rwanda's Robespierre

      ReliefWeb
      Report from Mail and Guardian
      Published on 08 Aug 1997

      A white Belgian ranks high among the men most wanted for the Rwanda genocide. He is blamed for using a radio station to incite attacks that led to the torture and murder of Belgian peacekeepers. CHRIS MCGREAL

      GEORGES RUGGIU is a mystery even to those who savoured his excited, foreign accent invoking Robespierre to keep the blood flowing across Rwanda. The 37-year-old Belgian is the only non-Rwandan arrested by the International Tribunal for complicity in the 1994 genocide of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis. He was picked up last month in a swoop in Nairobi that netted six other prominent accused, all Hutus.
      As far as is known, Ruggiu never wielded a machete or directly oversaw a single killing. Yet the white, Italian-born teacher - who took Belgian nationality 22 years ago - was among the most-wanted for genocide. His tool was the notorious Radio Mille Collines - a private radio station run by Hutu extremists.
      Although the station became known as the voice of the genocide, before the killing started it was immensely popular among Rwandans for its snappy, Western-style chat. Among its more popular presenters was Noel Hitimana , who broke a taboo of Rwanda's staid society by regularly appearing on Mille Collines so drunk he was unable to speak clearly. Even Tutsi rebel soldiers fighting to overthrow the Hutu government preferred the station to their own propaganda broadcasts.
      But Radio Mille Collines' underlying sinister tone leapt to the fore with the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana in April 1994 . Ruggiu was quickly on air. While other broadcasters urged Hutus to slaughter their Tutsi neighbours, Ruggiu's targets were more specific. He accused the Belgian army of plotting with Tutsi rebels to assassinate President Habyarimana.
      Belgium blames Ruggiu's broadcasts for helping to incite the torture and murder of ten Belgian paratroopers assigned by the United Nations to defend the moderate Hutu prime minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana. She was killed and the paratroopers disarmed and slaughtered by Hutu extremists. Ruggiu also led a campaign against UN peacekeepers.
      A few weeks after rebels overthrew the Hutu regime, and before Ruggiu went to ground, he tried to justify his broadcasts: "We did not incite racial hatred. We did incite people to be critical about the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) and some interpreted that as a call to kill Tutsis. But we never pronounced the word 'Tutsi'."
      "It was a station where people dared to say what they thought. But I defy anyone to find a tape of me saying: 'You must kill'." It is doubtful that Ruggiu ever did utter the word "kill" on Radio Mille Collines. The station followed the example of government ministers and others by associating all Tutsis with the RPF, and thereby condemning even babies to death as collaborators.
      And then there were the notorious euphemisms for killing. "Clean around your house," the voice on the radio urged.
      Ruggiu also went for more historical allusions. A favourite was to compare the genocide with the French revolution, and to invoke Robespierre to justify the terror.
      Ruggiu was sucked into Rwanda's Hutu extremist mire while still in Belgium. He joined the Rwanda-Belgium thinktank, which stood firmly in the Hutu camp. And he developed a close friendship with Paulin Murayi, the chief representative in Brussels of Rwanda's ruling party.

      Löschen
    2. Ruggiu flew to Rwanda in 1993, the year before the genocide. Officially he joined Radio Mille Collines to offer technical assistance. But he quickly fell in with the regime and was an easily recognised face around the city. For a while, he lived at the main military camp. On occasions he was seen in uniform.
      By the time of the genocide, Ruggiu had unfettered access to senior members of the extremist government holed up at a heavily guarded Kigali hotel from which most people were barred. At the height of the slaughter, Ruggiu moved to counter reports about the killings he was encouraging. In May 1994, he sent a fax to Belgian state radio denying he was inciting violence.
      At the time, thousands of Tutsis were crammed into the St Famille church where the priest, Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, collaborated in the selection of victims. As word of killings at the church reached the outside world, Ruggiu arrived with members of the Hutu militia and enlisted the priest's help.
      Three men and a young woman were plucked from the terrified Tutsis because they spoke French. Under the watch of men whose hands were drenched in blood, the three were forced to reassure listeners to Radio Mille Collines that life inside the church was quite fine.
      The woman later said: "These journalists were accompanied by military officers and among them was a Belgian journalist who worked for Radio Mille Collines, Georges Ruggiu. [Munyeshyaka] took us aside and told us: 'I expect you to say that you are well, that you are eating, that you wash yourselves, and that your enemy is the RPF.' We told them the phrases dictated to us."

      http://reliefweb.int/report/rwanda/rwandas-robespierre

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    3. "Georges Henri Yvon Joseph Ruggiu, kurz Georges Ruggiu, auch Georges Omar Ruggiu, (* 12. Oktober 1957 in Verviers, Belgien) ist ein belgisch-italienischer[1] Journalist und Rundfunkmoderator. Er beteiligte sich während des Völkermords in Ruanda an Verbrechen. Dafür wurde er am 1. Juni 2000 vom Internationalen Strafgerichtshof für Ruanda (ICTR) wegen Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Völkermord zu zwölf Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. Er ist der einzige Europäer, gegen den der ICTR ein Urteil fällte. [...]
      Gemäß dem Urteil gegen Ruggiu hat dieser über den Rundfunk zum Mord an Tutsi aufgerufen. Diese Aufrufe brachte er als Forderung vor, die „Kakerlaken“ (Inyenzi) zu vernichten – damit waren die Tutsi gemeint. Er rief die Hutu-Mehrheitsbevölkerung in den Wochen des Völkermords auf, ihrer Arbeit nachzugehen – ein für jeden in Ruanda dechiffrierbarer Appell zur Beteiligung am Massenmord. Die Génocidaires beglückwünschte er zu ihren Taten und feuerte sie an. Die Bevölkerung rief er zur Wachsamkeit auf. Tutsi-Verräter sollten ausfindig gemacht werden, der Sender wünsche Informationen über ihre Aufenthaltsorte, um sie verbreiten zu können."

      http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georges_Ruggiu

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    4. "Darüber hinaus griff er die moderate Premierministerin Agathe Uwilingiyimana über den Sender an und forderte sie auf, von ihrem Amt zurückzutreten. Gezielt attackierte Ruggiu ferner die United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). Er bezichtigte sie der Zusammenarbeit mit der RPF, dies gelte im besonderen Maß für Roméo Dallaire, den kanadischen Kommandeur dieser Friedenstruppe der Vereinten Nationen. Ruggiu behauptete nach dem 6. April 1994 öffentlich, für die Ermordung von Habyarimana sei die UNAMIR verantwortlich. Die Raketen, die die Präsidentenmaschine am Abend des 6. April 1994 getroffen haben, seien aus einem Gebiet abgefeuert worden, das unter der Kontrolle der UNAMIR gestanden habe."

      Wikipedia

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    5. RUANDA
      Kriegshetzer verhaftet

      Die hasserfüllte Stimme des Monsieur Georges im Hutu-Sender Radio
      Mille Collines hat, nach Erkenntnissen des Internationalen Kriegsverbrechertribunals, in Ruanda 1994 eine Schlüsselrolle
      bei dem Völkermord an den Tutsi gespielt.
      "Vernichtet die Kakerlaken", hatte der aus LüŸttich stammende Belgier Georges Ruggiu die Hutu aufgefordert.Auch gegen seine eigenen Landsleute, von der Uno entsandte belgische Fallschirmjäger, rief er
      zu Gewalttaten auf: Zehn von ihnen wurden von Hutu ermordet.

      DER SPIEGEL 31/ 1997

      Löschen
  3. Von RP online/ Quelle AP

    16. Januar 2014
    Zentralafrika 
    Friedenssoldaten sollen Völkermord abwenden

    Bangui. In Ruanda spielte sich Anfang der 90er Jahre ein grauenhafter Völkermord ab. Nun schickt das Land Friedenssoldaten in die Zentralafrikanische Republik, um dort das Schlimmste zu verhindern.
    In der von Gewalt und Hass erschütterten Zentralafrikanischen Republik sind am Donnerstag die ersten Friedenssoldaten aus Ruanda eingetroffen. Insgesamt hat Ruanda 800 Soldaten versprochen, um die 4400 Mann starke Friedenstruppe der Afrikanischen Union aufzustocken. "Wir setzen uns hier alle ein, um einen Völkermord in Zentralafrika zu verhindern und das Land zu beruhigen", erklärte der Sprecher der Friedenstruppe, Leon Ndong-Ntutume.
    Der Einsatz der Soldaten aus Ruanda gilt als besonders bedeutsam, weil das Land 1994 selbst Schauplatz eines Völkermords mit 500 000 Toten war. Die internationale Gemeinschaft will eine Wiederholung dieses Grauens unbedingt verhindern. Frankreich hat unter einem UN-Mandat ebenfalls 1600 Soldaten nach Zentralafrika geschickt.
    Dort hatten muslimische Rebellen im März den christlichen Staatschef François Bozizé gestürzt. Danach war Chaos ausgebrochen.
    Derzeit bekämpfen sich christliche Milizen und marodierende Rebellenbanden. Die Gewalt hat mehr als tausend Menschen das Leben gekosten und eine Million in die Flucht getrieben. Der von den Rebellen eingesetzte Präsident Michel Djotodia war vergangene Woche zurückgetreten. Diese Woche soll ein Übergangsrat einen neuen Regierungschef aussuchen, der Neuwahlen zum Jahresende vorbereiten soll.
    Frankreich habe den Hass und die Ressentiments zwischen Christen und Muslimen im Land unterschätzt, sagte der französische UN-Botschafter Gérard Araud in New York. Die afrikanischen und französischen Soldaten sähen sich in dem Land mit einer "nahezu unmöglichen Situation" konfrontiert, in der sich Mitglieder beider Religionen einfach nur noch töten wollten.
    Frankreich suche nach Wegen, um die Situation zu beruhigen, in der selbst die Aufrufe der religiösen Führer nach einem Ende der Gewalt wirkungslos verhallten, fügte er hinzu. [...]

    http://www.rp-online.de/politik/ausland/friedenssoldaten-sollen-voelkermord-abwenden-aid-1.3968012

    AntwortenLöschen
    Antworten
    1. Ali Bongo plaide pour un débat ouvert à tous les acteurs de Centrafrique

      Ali Bongo s’est entretenu mardi.18/3/14 au palais de bord de mer de Libreville avec Catherine Samba-Panza présidente de transition de Centrafrique.Sur fond de risque de partition de facto du pays et de nettoyage ethnico-religieux qui est entrain de modifier la donne démographique, le chef de l’Etat gabonais a plaidé pour une implication de tous les acteurs de la vie politique en RCA pour permettre à Samba-Panza ,élue le20/01/14 de restaurer la paix sur un territoire de.622980km2 sur lequel stationnent7000 soldats,1600 français et5400 africains dont520 gabonais.

      Première visite au Gabon de Catherine Samba-Panza depuis son élection à tête de la transition en.RCA le 20/01/14 après que Michel Djotodia ait été poussé à démissionner à Ndjamena par Ali Bongo et ses pairs de la Cemac.

      Auparavant, son Premier ministre André Nzapayéké s’était rendu à Libreville pour exprimer la partie gabonaise tout le bien que son gouvernement pense de ses actions multiformes avec en codicille la reprise par les militaires de FAG de ville de Sibut.
      Même si l’actuel pouvoir à Libreville a fait l’option d’une diplomatie soft,il devrait cependant mettre la main à la poche pour donner un peu d’oxygène à la trésorerie de la Centrafrique qui peine à payer ses fonctionnaires qui ne l’ont été qu’une seule fois depuis six mois.
      Selon une source bien.informée,Bangui a grandement besoin de100 millions de dollars que la CEEAC rechigne à décaisser. Ali Bongo pourrait donc montrer l’exemple en ouvrant le cordon de la bourse.
      Un total de520 soldats gabonais sont stationnés en RCA (1 poste de commandement et3 compagnies d’infanterie) dans le cadre de la Mission internationale du soutien à la Centrafrique. Ils sont repartis dans le4e arrondissement de Bangui pour les uns et le centre du pays notamment à Sibut,pour les autres.
      En complémentarité avec les forces françaises de Sangaris.et des autres africains,ils œuvrent à éviter la partition de la Centrafrique et assurent aussi le ravitaillement de Bangui par la route en escortant les convois depuis la frontière camerounaise.
      Forces impartiales, bien entrainées, les FAG de la Mission internationale du soutien à la Centrafrique n’obéissent qu’au comforce(commandant de la composante militaire), le général camerounais Martin Tumenta Chomu et à son adjoint le général burundais Athanase Kararuza.
      Le colonel Léon Ndong Ntutume est quant à lui officier chargé de la communication de la Mission internationale du soutien à la Centrafrique.

      Artcile publié le: 19/03/2014 source: Auteur:Ibrahim Zoumano

      http://gabonpage.net/actualites/actualites.php?Article=3179

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    2. "Ceux qui voudront tuer seront traqués"

      Afin de montrer que rien n'est perdu, Catherine Samba-Panza, la présidente de la transition, et Jean-Yves Le Drian, le ministre français de la Défense, se sont rendus le 12 février à Mbaïki. Dans cette sous-préfecture située à 80 km au sud-ouest de Bangui, les troupes françaises ont évité le pire. Début février, au lendemain du départ des combattants de l'ex-Séléka, les anti-balaka ont voulu tuer les civils musulmans. Une colonne de Sangaris est arrivée juste à temps pour empêcher le massacre. Mais les quelque 3 000 musulmans de la ville ont dû fuir. Aujourd'hui, ils ne sont plus que quelques dizaines. "Il n'y a pas d'épuration confessionnelle ou ethnique. Il s'agit d'un problème d'insécurité", a lancé la chef de l'État centrafricaine. "On va aller en guerre contre les anti-balaka. Ils pensent que, parce que je suis une femme, je suis faible. Mais maintenant, ceux qui voudront tuer seront traqués." Et Jean-Yves Le Drian d'ajouter : "Personne n'acceptera une partition du pays. Il faut absolument l'empêcher."
      Comment sécuriser un pays à feu et à sang de 622 980 km² avec 7 000 hommes ? "C'est évidemment impossible. Rien qu'à Bangui, il faudrait déployer 500 soldats dans chacun des huit arrondissements. Pour tout le pays, 30 000 hommes seraient nécessaires", estime un officier de la gendarmerie centrafricaine. Pour l'heure, les contingents de la Misca se sont réparti les quartiers de la capitale comme ils ont pu. Les Burundais dans le centre-ville, les Congolais (du Congo-Brazzaville) dans le 3e arrondissement, les Gabonais dans le 4e, les Rwandais dans le 7e, etc. Les Français, eux, stationnent aux grands ronds-points. Dès qu'un chef de quartier appelle à l'aide, ils interviennent en appui des soldats de la Misca.
      En province, les contingents nationaux africains se sont déployés dans les régions proches de leurs frontières. Les Congolais sont au sud, les Camerounais à l'ouest et les Tchadiens au nord du pays. Les Gabonais, eux, sont au centre. Font-ils de la figuration ? "Non. Grâce à nos forces, le ravitaillement de Bangui par la route a repris", se réjouit le colonel gabonais Léon Ndong Ntutume, officier chargé de la communication à la Misca. "Nous avons déjà escorté quatre convois depuis la frontière camerounaise." Au nord-est, à Bambari et à Bria, les forces tchadiennes de la Mission ont réussi à cantonner les combattants de l'ex-Séléka. "C'est bon signe, cela prouve que les forces impartiales exercent un ascendant moral sur les belligérants", se félicite le général sénégalais Babacar Gaye, représentant spécial du secrétaire général de l'ONU à Bangui.

      Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com : Crise centrafricaine | Centrafrique : la paix à tout prix | Jeuneafrique.com - le premier site d'information et d'actualité sur l'Afrique

      http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/JA2771p036.xml0/


      Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com : Crise centrafricaine | Centrafrique : la paix à tout prix | Jeuneafrique.com - le premier site d'information et d'actualité sur l'Afrique
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  4. Harte pragmatische Regeln des Kriegs gegen "Islamisten und Kommunisten":

    Captain Matthew Orris untersucht Sebrenica, Ruanda und andere Völkermorde der jüngeren Geschichte; vergisst aber, dass auch Christen als Täter beteiligt waren. Ratko Mladic ist mit Sicherheit alles andere als ein Islamist oder Kommunist.

    Orris' Schlussfolgerungen laufen letzlich nur auf eines hinaus: Mauern gegen eine Rechenschaftspflicht von Soldaten im Fall ziviler Opfer, weil der Völkermord, der damit verhindert würde, ja noch viel schlimmer wäre. Seine Zusammenstellung lässt Informationen weg, aus denen politische Ansatzpunkte für das Verhüten und Unterbinden des Mordens gezogen werden könnten.

    Aus
    SMALL WARS JOURNAL
    smallwarsjournal.com
    Indicators and Warning:
    Case Studies in Genocide
    Matthew Orris

    ... Have the PAO prepare examples of press release shells for all the missions that the unit is expected to undertake, planned and contingency. This saves precious time in getting the “word out” when events do occur and can head off potential enemy propaganda. ...

    Instill in the soldiers the ROE, to include the harshly pragmatic rules of war, and the understanding that our enemies (Islamists and Communist) feel nothing but contempt for the West’s morality and fully understand the psychologically vulnerable points - unease at images of women and children as casualties – and will leverage their actions and IO themes to capitalize on this revulsion. ...

    Captain Matthew Orris, U.S. Army, is assigned to the Special Operations Training Detachment at the Joint readiness Training Center at Fort Polk, LA. He has served in various command and staff positions in both conventional and Special Forces units in the continental United States, Germany, Kosovo, Colombia, Afghanistan and Iraq.
    The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the United States Army Special Operations Command, the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government.

    http://smallwarsjournal.com/blog/journal/docs-temp/209-orris.pdf?q=mag/docs-temp/209-orris.pdf

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    Antworten
    1. Aus
      Der Kreuzzug des Borghezio
      Hartwig Heine - 27. 07. 2011

      ... So zeigte Borghezio einige Monate zuvor auch Verständnis für einen anderen Massenmörder, Ratko Mladic, der 8000 Muslime allein in Srebrenica ermorden ließ. Nach Mladics Verhaftung im Mai dieses Jahres erklärte Borghezio:

      „Mladic ist ein Patriot… Die Serben wollten den Vormarsch des Islam in Europa aufhalten, aber es wurde ihnen verwehrt“
      (Repubblica vom 28. 5. 2011).

      Auch Borghezio fühlt sich im Krieg, in dem sich allerdings die eigenen Heldentaten – bisher – in Grenzen hielten: 1993 wurde er zu einer Geldstrafe verurteilt, weil er gewaltsam ein marokkanisches Kind festhielt. 2001 zündete er mit Kumpanen in Turin die Zelte von „Extracomunitari“ an, die unter einer Brücke schliefen, was ihm eine Geldstrafe von 3040 € einbrachte. Im Februar 2006 vertraute er dem „Corriere della Sera“ an, von Immigranten und Kommunisten angepöbelt und einmal sogar verletzt worden zu sein. Seine eigentliche Domäne sei jedoch die Rednertribüne. Auf der „verwandele“ er sich, „und dann sage ich Dinge direkt aus dem Bauch. Es ist aufregend, fast wie ein Orgasmus“.

      Ist Borghezio also nur ein weiterer Verrückter, der auf dieser Erde herumläuft? Nein, er ist mehr. Er ist ein exponiertes Mitglied der Lega, was sich auch darin zeigt, dass sie ihn von 1999 bis 2004 zum Chef der Regierung der Phantom-Republik „Padanien“ machte. Als Lega-Mann saß er von 1992 bis 2004 im italienischen Parlament, als ebensolcher sitzt er seit 2001 im Europarlament. Und da die Lega nun einmal der wichtigste Koalitionspartner von Berlusconi ist, gehört auch Borghezio zur Koalition. Als B. 1994 seine erste Regierung bildete, wurde Borghezio als gelernter Jurist Unterstaatssekretär im Justizministerium. ...

      http://www.aussorgeumitalien.de/wp/2011/07/27/der-kreuzzug-des-borghezio/

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  5. National Identity Construction and the Role of Political Elites:
    Protracted Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina?
    GORAN TEPŠIĆ
    University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences

    In this article author is trying to answer the question whether contemporary conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina is of a protracted nature. He argues that conflict did not end with the Dayton Agreement in 1995, but only its violent phase. During the two past decades lasting contradictions gained a character of deep-rooted and protracted social conflict ...

    Introduction of structural violence by Johan Galtung (1964; 1971) was a revolutionary point in the development of peace studies and his academic career, but maybe even more important was his ‘cultural turn’ and the concept of cultural violence (Galtung, 1990). This conception presupposes that direct and structural forms of violence have their deeper sources, embedded in culture. All elements of science, ideology, art, media, and formal education that directly or indirectly legitimize direct and structural violence, Galtung defines as cultural or symbolic violence (Galtung, 1990).
    Very important elements of culture are social identities, which could also have (and they usually do) a function of conflict and violence legitimization. For proponents of this approach, culture becomes a frame in which people develop a sense of who they are, what activity they should take, and what are their social goals. Subsequently, identity becomes the action unit of culture and a problem-solving tool for coping in particular contexts (Lapid and Kratochwil, 1996). For instance, it plays a fundamental role in social conflict, delineating ‘us’ from ‘them’ (the Other), mobilizing individuals and collectives, providing legitimization and validation for individual and group aspirations.
    Identities have a major impact on conflicts, but they are also transformed and reconstructed in a conflict process (Cook-Huffman, 2009).

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    Antworten
    1. There are at least five theoretical approaches to the concept of social identity: primordialism, instrumentalism, constructivism, institutionalism and realism (Varshney, 2007; Formozo, 2009; Korostelina, 2009).

      Primordialism is the oldest tradition based on the ontological essentialism and epistemological positivism. Primordialists insist on shared genes and ancestry, phenotypic proximity, common language, religion, etc.

      Instrumentalists perceive identity as a resource of collective mobilization and political manipulation based on the economic and political interests of elites.

      Central idea of constructivists is that our social identities are product of different social actors, agents and relations.

      Institutionalists claim that social identity is a consequence of political-institutional design – proportional or majoritarian polities, federal or unitary governments, national states or statenations, etc.

      And realists use concept of security dilemma to explain logics of social identity formation and mobilization (Formozo, 2009; Varshney, 2007).

      The ‘ideal’ definition would probably be the one that combines positive sides of all, or at least most of the approaches: “Identities are
      complex, historically bound, socially constructed, and thus ever moving. They may be transitory in some cases, and rigid and inflexible in other as they are constituted in specific lived realities, bound and shared through story, myth, history, and legend” (Cook-Huffman, 2009, p. 19).

      Theorists often discern individual or personal identity from collective, communal or social one. Former they define as individual sense of self, and latter as a consequence of prominent Group membership. This distinction is only analytical, because different identities (family, gender, nation, religion, etc.) of the same person are empirically inseparable. It would be more correct and accurate to perceive personal identity as totality comprised of different layers. The most important question
      puzzling researchers of identity-conflict relation is how and when different identities or identity layers become meaningful and salient (Cook-Huffman, 2009).

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    2. ... “Social identities…should be understood neither as sources nor as consequences of conflict, but as form of consciousness that entirely changes the dynamic and structure of conflict. Once social identity
      becomes involved in interest-based or instrumental conflict, it then changes the nature of political or economic conflict in particular ways, making conflict protracted and deep-rooted” (Korostelina,
      2009, p. 101).

      The most important approaches to this complex multidisciplinary topic are: ‘Basic human needs’, ‘protracted social conflict’ and ‘theories of ethnic conflict’ (Cook-Huffman, 2009).

      Basic Human Needs Theory

      Following the work of psychologist Abraham Maslow (1943; 1954), John Burton .. developed a concept of conflict resolution based on the human needs theory. He assumed that human motivations can be divided into three types: universal, cultural and transitory. ... Individuals cannot be socialized into behaviors that destroy their identity and other need goals and, therefore, must react against social environments that do this” (Burton, 1990, p. 33). Besides the biological or genetic needs for food or shelter, there are socially ontological, basic human needs for
      identity, recognition, security and development. Frustration and denial of these needs leads to intractable or deep-rooted conflicts.
      Burton’s colleague and associate, Edward Azar ... classification includes security, distinctive identity, social recognition of identity, and effective participation in the social processes dealing with security, identity and development issues (Azar, 1985).
      Johan Galtung (2004), built his transcend and transform method on this concept as well. His main idea is to start conflict transformation (both/and approach) with determining conflicting parties’ legitimate goals, and main criteria for that should be basic human needs, i.e. survival, well-being, freedom and identity. ...

      Human needs theorists further argue that, when human needs become an issue in conflict, traditional resolution techniques are often ineffective. Interest-based negotiation and Mediation focused on interests and distribution of resources turns out to be insufficient and even counterproductive. Mistreatment or neglect of basic human needs can lead to increased polarization and dehumanization, and deepening of the conflict ...

      Protracted Social Conflict

      ... “Protracted social conflicts universally are situations which arise out of attempts to combat conditions of perceived victimization stemming
      from: 1. a denial of separate identity of parties involved in the political process; 2. an absence of security of culture and valued relationships; and 3. an absence of effective political participation through which victimization can be remedied” (Azar, 1985, p. 61). Another, very important Azar’s notion is that self image and ‘image of self by others’ are the vital elements of identity, and therefore they could be strong incentives for action and conflicts. Any solution not including transformation of these root features is only temporary, and could lead to new conflict eruptions (Azar, 1985; 1990). ...

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    3. Theories of Ethnic Conflict

      ... Rogers Brubaker (2002) challenges the treatment of social groups (ethnic, national, racial, etc.) as “substantial entities to which interests and agency can be attributed”, or main protagonists of social conflict and units of social analysis. He calls this fallacy of intellectual reification – groupism.
      Brubaker further argues that ethnic conflicts (suggests ethnicized or ethnically framed conflict as better terms) shouldn’t be understood as conflicts between the ethnic groups, but among organizations, ethnopolitical entrepreneurs representing or claiming to represent ethnic groups. Their goal is to socially reify those groups, to summon them and mobilize (Brubaker, 2002).
      “It means thinking of ethnicization, racialization and nationalization as political, social, cultural and psychological processes. And it means taking as basic analytical category not the ‘group’ as an entity but groupness as a contextually fluctuating conceptual variable.” ...
      Degree of groupness depends on particular categories, such as myths, collective memories and narratives, and sociopolitical settings, like institutionalization, entrenchment in administrative routines, etc. These categories are proposed, articulated and propagated ‘from above’,
      and appropriated and internalized ‘from below’. Their function is to rationalize social world of individuals, determine their expectations about category members and direct their attitudes toward non-members (often through stereotypes and prejudices), sharing the sense of groupness (Group potential). Groupness is usually a cause or precondition of conflict, but it can also be ist consequence. Conflicts are often accompanied by “social struggles to label, interpret and explain it” ...

      http://www.sisp.it/files/papers/2013/goran-tepsic-1478.pdf

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  6. Ruanda
    Frankreichs Rolle im ruandischen Genozid
    09.04.2015
    DW (Deutsche Welle)

    Ruanda wirft Frankreich eine Mitverantwortung für den Genozid von 1994 vor. Jetzt hat Paris Archive freigegeben. Opfervertreter und Forscher hoffen auf neue Erkenntnisse. Noch steht ein Schuldeingeständnis aus.

    Mit dem Anschlag auf das Flugzeug des ruandischen Präsidenten Juvenal Habyarimana am 6. April 1994 begann das Morden. Binnen drei Monaten wurden mindestens 800.000 Tutsi und moderate Hutu getötet. Frankreich pflegte bis zu Habyarimanas Tod enge politische Beziehungen zu Ruanda. "Niemand, der die Entwicklungen in Ruanda verfolgt, zweifelt daran, dass Frankreich eine sehr direkte Rolle in diesem Völkermord gespielt hat", sagt Afrikanist Phil Clarke von der London School of Oriental and African Studies. So habe Frankreich Habyarimanas Regierung mit Trainings unterstützt, zum Teil direkt mit Waffen beliefert und sich auch an der Ausbildung der Interahamwe beteiligt - der Hutu-Miliz, die den Völkermord zu einem erheblichen Teil durchführte. Das alles sei gut dokumentiert, so Clarke. "Jetzt kommt es auf die Details an: Was lief hinter verschlossenen Türen, welche Waffen wurden weitergegeben, welche Gelder sind geflossen und wie wurden die Interahamwe ausgebildet. Das ist es, was die Leute jetzt direkt von der französischen Regierung hören wollen."

    http://www.dw.com/de/frankreichs-rolle-im-ruandischen-genozid/a-18372688

    AntwortenLöschen
  7. Mehr zum Hintergrund zur Geschichte der Feindschaft zwischen Hutu und Tutsi

    Security and Africa:
    An Update
    A collection of essays on developments in the :ield of security and Africa since the UK Government’s 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review
    November 2012
    Africa All Party Parliamentary Group

    Security Concerns in the Eastern DRC
    Jason Stearns, Director of the Rift Valley Institute's Usalama Project

    The conflict that began in 1996 in the Congo has percolated through different phases and incarnations, persisting until today. The causes of the violence are multidimensional, which has complicated the search for solutions – if the problem is
    located at local, national and regional levels, which is the best entry point?

    Historical overview

    When the war first broke out in 1996, it drew on deep communal tensions
    simmering in the Kivus, the first strand of a triple helix of local, national and regional
    causes. Many of these were linked to the contested citizenship of Hutu and Tutsi
    populations that had immigrated during the colonial and pre‐colonial periods. The
    Belgian administration organised up to 300,000 Rwandans to immigrate to North
    Kivu to provide manual labour on ranches and plantations. Tutsi pastoralists, later
    called Banyamulenge, arrived in South Kivu in various waves from the nineteenth
    century onwards, migrating to the high plateau overlooking Lake Tanganyika.
    This immigration, coupled with misguided policies on land and citizenship during
    the reign of both the Belgians and later Mobutu Sese Seko, led to deep‐rooted
    tensions between communities. Mobutu manipulated these cleavages to his
    advantage, first courting the rich Tutsi elite, and then catering to the so‐called
    indigenous lobby by calling Hutu and Tutsi citizenship into question.

    The democratisation process that began in 1990 acted as a catalyst for these
    tensions, as politicians used ethnic divisions in order to mobilise voters. The result
    was a vicious cycle of communal violence in both North and South Kivu that killed
    thousands and formed the backdrop of the regional war that began in 1996.

    This war was triggered by the Rwandan genocide, which sent up to a million
    refugees into the Congo, along with the perpetrators of the massacres ...

    http://www.royalafricansociety.org/sites/default/files/reports/AAPPG_securityreport_nov2012.pdf

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